IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


.vf-^ 


1.0  ^^  ta 

^^s     Itt  |2i2    122 

i  1.1   l'^  1^ 


'-^ 


'A 


Hiotograp]:iic 

Sdmces 

Corporatioii 


SJ  WIST  MAIN  STMIT 

WIUTIR,N.Y.  14SM 

(716)  •72-4S03 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVl/ICIViH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notea/Notas  tachniquaa  at  bibliographiquaa 


Tha  Inatituta  haa  attamptad  to  obtain  tha  baat 
original  copy  availabia  for  filming.  Faaturaa  of  thia 
copy  which  may  ba  bibliographically  uniqua, 
which  may  altar  any  of  tha  imagaa  in  tha 
raproduction.  or  which  may  aignif  icantly  changa 
tha  uaual  mathod  of  filming,  ara  chackad  balow. 


n 


n 


n 


n 


D 


Colourad  covars/ 
Couvartura  da  coulaur 


I      I    Covara  damagad/ 


Couvartura  andommagte 


Covara  rastorad  and/or  laminatad/ 
Couvartura  raataurte  at/ou  palliculAa 


r~~|   Covar  titia  misaing/ 


La  titra  da  couvartura  manqua 


I      I    Colourad  mapa/ 


Cartaa  giographiquas  an  coulaur 


Coloured  inic  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  blacic)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (I.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 


I      I   Coloured  plataa  and/or  illuatrationa/ 


Pianchea  et/r     Illuatrationa  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Ralii  avec  d'autrea  documenta 

Tight  binding  may  cauae  ahadowa  or  diatortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

La  re  liure  aarrde  paut  cauaar  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
diatortion  la  long  de  la  marge  intirieure 

Blank  leavea  added  during  reatoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  poaaible,  theae 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  aa  paut  que  certainea  pagea  blanchea  ajout^aa 
lore  d'une  reatauration  apparaiaaant  dana  la  texte. 
mala,  loraqua  cela  6tait  poaaible,  cea  pagea  n'ont 
pea  Att  filmAea. 

Additional  commanta:/ 
Commantairea  suppl^mantairaa: 


L'Inatitut  a  microfilm^  la  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  6tA  poaaible  de  aa  procurer.  Lea  dttaila 
de  cet  exemplaire  qui  aont  paut-Atre  uniquea  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dana  la  mAthode  normale  de  f ilmage 
aont  indiqufo  ci-daaaoua. 


D 
D 
0 
D 


s/ 


D 


□   Coloured  pagea/ 
Pagea  da  couleur 


Pagea  damaged/ 
Pagea  endommagAea 

Pagea  reatored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pagea  reatauriaa  at/ou  pelliculAea 

Pagea  diacoloured,  atainad  or  foxed/ 
Pagea  dic3lor6ea,  tachattea  ou  piqu6ea 

Pagea  detached/ 
Pagea  d^tachiea 

Showthrough/ 
Tranapar«nce 


I      I    Quality  of  print  variaa/ 


Quality  in^gaia  de  I'impreaaion 

Includea  aupplementary  matarif 
Cumprend  du  material  aupplimantaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Mition  diaponible 


I      I    Includea  aupplementary  material/ 
I      I    Only  edition  available/ 


Pagea  wholly  or  partially  obacured  by  errata 
alipa,  tiaauaa,  etc..  have  been  refilmed  to 
enaure  the  beat  possible  image/ 
Lea  pagea  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obacurciea  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  ont  it6  filmies  A  nouveau  de  fapon  d 
obtenir  la  meilleure  Image  poaaible. 


T» 
to 


Tl 
PC 
of 
fil 


Oi 
b« 
th 
ai< 
ot 
fir 
ai< 
or 


Th 
ah 
Tl 
wl 

M( 
dil 
en' 
be 
rig 
re< 
mi 


Thia  item  ia  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  eat  filmA  au  taux  da  rMuction  IndiquA  ci-daaaoua. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

12X 

16X 

2DX 

24X 

28X 

32X 

TiM  copy  ffilmMl  h«r«  ha*  bMn  r«pro<luc«d  thanks 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

Library  Diviiion 

Provinci*!  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imagaa  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quality 
possibia  considaring  tha  condition  and  lagibility 
of  tha  original  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacif ications. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covara  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  last  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impraa- 
sion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  original  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion.  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frama  on  aach  microficha 
shall  contain  tha  symbol  — ^>  (moaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  tha  symbol  V  Imaaning  "END"), 
whichavar  applias. 

Maps,  platas.  charts,  ate.  may  ba  filmad  at 
diffarant  raduction  ratios.  Thosa  too  larga  to  ba 
antiraly  includad  in  ona  axposura  ara  filmad 
baginning  In  tha  uppar  laft  hand  cornar.  laft  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  framas  as 
raquirad.  Tha  following  diagrams  illustrata  tha 
mathod: 


L'axamplaira  film4  f ut  raproduit  grAca  *  la 
g^nArosit*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Laa  imagaa  suivantas  ont  4tA  raproduitas  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin.  compta  tanu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  da  i'axamplaira  film*,  at  9n 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Laa  axamplairas  originaux  dont  la  couvartura  an 
papiar  ast  imprimAa  sont  filmis  mn  commandant 
par  la  pramiar  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darnlAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration.  soit  par  la  sacond 
plat,  salon  la  cas.  Tous  las  autras  axamplairas 
originaux  sont  filmAs  an  ccmman9ant  par  la 
pramiAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  amprainta 
d'imprassion  ou  d'illustration  at  9n  tarminant  par 
la  darniAra  paga  qui  comporta  una  talla 
amprainta. 

Un  das  symbolas  suivants  apparaitra  sur  la 
darniAra  imaga  da  chaqua  microfich<4.  salon  la 
cas:  la  symbols  — ►  signifia  "A  SUIVRE".  la 
symbols  V  signifia  "FIN". 

Las  cartas,  planchas.  tablaaux.  ate.  pauvant  Atra 
filmAs  A  das  taux  da  rAduction  diff Arants. 
Lorsqua  la  documant  ast  trop  grand  pour  Atra 
raproduit  9n  un  saul  clichA.  il  ast  filmA  A  partir 
da  I'angla  supAriaur  gaucha.  da  gaucha  A  droita, 
at  da  haut  an  bas.  an  pranant  la  nombra 
d'imagas  nAcassaira.  Las  diagrammas  suivants 
illusfrant  la  mAthoda. 


1 

2 

3 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

ne 


^ 


'Uectiorv 


Mr.  Qy 

subject  nc 
the  Hous 
tracted  u  i 
ed,  has  lo 
(  mains  un: 
'i  lieve  I  ha 
the  whole 


now  riser 

tude  and 

Parties,  I 

uses  in  E 

cessary  fi 

can  instit 

are  for  th 

■  ters.     Bu 

I  from  all  1 

't  an  Amer 

I  sovereign 

I  a  qucsUoi 

the  maim 


SPEECH 


or 


HON.  J.  POLLOCK,  OF  PENNSYLVANIA 


ON 


THE    OREGON    QUESTION, 


DELIVERED 


:J  the  house  of  representatives,  FRIDAY,  JANUARY  16,  1846, 


The  resolution  from  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Affairs,  requiring  the  President  to  notify  Great 
Britain  of  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
terminate  the  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon,  and  to 
abrogate  the  convention  of  1827,  being  under 
consideration  in  Committee  of  the  Whole — 

Mr.  POLLOCK,  who  was  entitled  to  the  floor, 
rose  and  said  : 

Mr.  Chairman:  I  design  briefly  to  discuss  the 
subject  now  under  consideration.  I  am  aware  that 
the  House  is  already  wearied  by  so  long  and  pro 
tracted  u  debate:  the  subject,  though  not  exhaust- 
ed, has  lost  its  novelty;  the  interest  it  excites  re- 
mains unabated.  Although,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  be- 
lieve I  have  a  "  clear  and  unquestionable"  title  to 
the  whole  hour  under  the  rule,  yet  I  am  willing  to 
compromise  with  the  House,  and  perhaps  not  go 
beyond  forty-nine  minutes,  or  at  furthest,  upon 
the  principle  of  progression  and  expansion,  I  may 
be  inclined  to  occui>y  fiily-four  minutes  forty  sec- 
onds. 

In  common  with  many  gentlemen  who  have 
preceded  me,  I  may  be  permitted  to  congratulate 
the  House  and  the  country  that  this  question  has 
now  risen  above  party  considerations.  Its  magni- 
tude and  importance  require  that  it  should  do  so. 
Parties,  I  acknowledge,  sir,  £U-e  not  without  their 
uses  in  Republican  Governments:  they  are  as  ne- 
cessary for  the  preservation  and  purity  of  republi- 
can institutions  as  the  storms  that  agitate  old  ocean 
are  for  the  purification  of  its  migh'y  mass  of  wa- 
ters. But  this  question,  separated  as  it  should  be 
from  all  local  feeling  and  sectional  prejudices,  is 
an  American  nuestion — a  question  of  American 
sovereignty — of  American  rights  to  American  soil: 
a  question  involving  the  honor  of  our  country  in 
the  maintenance  of  rights;  and  I  do  most  earnest- 


ly protest  against  its  being  degraded  to  a  mere 
party  question. 

Sir,  we  have  rights  in  Oregon — we  have  righ 
to  Oregon:  this  will  be  admitted  by  all,  although 
gentlemen  may  honestly  differ  as  tj  the  extent  of 
those  rights.  Our  rights,  then,  whatever  they  are, 
or  whatever  may  be  their  extent,  must  be  main- 
tained; they  can  never  be  honorably  abandoned. 
Sir,  to  those  propositions  no  dissenting  voice  will 
be  heard. 

I  propose  briefly  to  refer  to,  not  to  investigate, 
our  rights  in  and  our  title  to  Oregon.  From  the 
best  examination  I  have  been  enabled  to  make  of 
this  question,  our  title  to  the  whole  of  Oregon  is 
superior  to  that  of  any  other  nation  on  the  face  of 
the  globe.  Our  title  to  49°  is  clear,  and  ought  to 
be  unquestionable.  Between  49°  and  54°  40'  there 
is,  it  must  be  admitted ,  some  room  to  cavil.  No 
gentleman  in  this  House  pretends  to  deny  that 
Great  Britain  has  cluims  to  tlie  country  north  of 
49°.  Whether  these  claims  amount  to  rights — 
rights  to  be  regarded  by  the  United  States  and  to 
be  enforced  by  Great  Britain,  is  another  question; 
and  that  these  claims  have  been,  to  some  consider- 
able extent,  repeatedly  recognised  by  the  United 
States,  must  also  be  admitted  with  equal  u  nimity. 
Our  title  to  Oregon  has  been  set  forth  and  main- 
tained with  clearness  and  signal  ability  by  the  hon- 
orable gentlemen  to  whom  the  diplomacy  of  the 
country  has,  at  different  periods  in  our  history, 
been  committed.  These  discussions,  from  the 
times  of  the  venerable  Gallatin  down  to  the  pres- 
ent Secretary  of  State,  have  been  characterized  by 
as  much  talent,  skill,  and  profound  knowledge  of 
the  subject,  as  the  diplomatic  records  of  any  Gov- 
ernment can  exhibit.  The  question  of  title,  thus 
determined,  thus  spread  out  upon  the  record,  ha« 
been  submitted  to  the  country.    The  aigumeut  ot 


3 


the  Secretary  of  Stute,  so  far  as  regards  the  claim 
of  Great  Britain,  is  conclusive  and  irresistible. 
The  Brit'sh  Minister  himself  has  failed  to  refute 
them.  The  only  right  she  has  to  claim  anything 
fVom  the  United  States  rests  exclusively  on  the 
fact,  that  we  have  recognised  some  right  on  her 
part  to  the  territory  in  dis])ute,  in  the  negotiations 
and  treaties  with  her  in  181d,  1834,  1826,  1837, 
nnd  lastly  in  184.5.  This  recognition  has  been 
made  by  us  at  different  [leriods  and  in  various 
ways. 

Throwing  aside  for  the  present  the  Spanish  title, 
which  is  ours  by  purchase,  our  own,  independent 
of  that,  is  in  itself  superior  to  any  which  can  be 
setup  against  us  by  any  of  the  nations  of  the  earth. 
The  discovery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  river, 
by  Captain  Gray;  our  settlement  on  its  banks,  not 
only  ai  its  mou.h,  ut  Astoria,  but  at  a  distance  of 
several  hundred  miles  up  the  stream,  which  settle- 
ments have  been  recognised  by  Great  Britain,  in 
the  treaty  at  Ghent  in  1814,  and  the  subsequent  res- 
toration of  Astoria  to  the  United  States  m  pursu- 
ance of  that  treaty  in  1818;  the  exploration  of  the 
whole  river  and  most  of  its  branches  by  Lewis  and 
Clarke  in  1805;  the  fact  of  its  contiguity  to  our 
own  territories;  all  recognised  as  they  are  by  the 
law  of  nations  as  elements  of  title,  combine  to  in- 
vest us  with  a  title  to  the  territory  which  would  be 
good  against  the  world.  The  principle  is  generally, 
if  not  universally  recognised,  thattlic  discovery  of 
the  mouth  of  a  river  before  unknown,  gives  to  the 
nation  discovering  it  a  right  to  the  entire  region 
drained  by  its  waters.  We  are  the  discoverers  of 
the  Columbia,  and  our  rights  extend  as  far  as  its 
tributaries  extend,  unless  some  of  those  tributaries 
had  been  visited  prior  to  our  discovery,  of  which 
there  is  no  authentic  evidence.  If  it  be  true,  as  is 
asserted,  and  as  geographers  have  established,  that 
the  Columbia  river  drains  the  country  up  to  53"^ 
north,  then  the  discovery  of  the  river  gives  us  a 
title  up  to  that  latitude;  thus  leaving  1°  40'  of  dis- 
puted territory.  But,  sir,  in  addiuon  to  our  own 
title  thus  derived,  the  Spanish  title  was  acauired 
subsequently  to  our  discoveries  by  the  United 
States,  and  is  now  fully  vested  in  us  by  virtue  of 
the  treaty  of  1819  with  Snuin.  This  title,  although 
it  might  have  been  consiaered  whilst  outstanding  as 
nntagonistical  to  ours,  yet  in  our  hands  it  has  been 
united  to,  and  strengthens,  if  need  be,  our  own 
title,  thus  rendering  it  certainly  and  unqualifiedly 
better  than  the  British  title.  If  Great  Britain  has 
any  claims  based  upon  prior  discovery,  they  can 
only  be  those  surrendered  to  her  by  Snain.  But 
when  we  regard  the  fact  that  the  Snanisn  claims  to 
discovery,  which  were  unquestionably  prior  to  hers, 
and  admitted  so  to  be  by  England  herself,  have  now 
come  into  our  possession,  however  inconsistent 
they  may  be  with  that  which  we  possess  in  our 
own  right,  both  being  now  merged  into  one,  no  na- 
tion can  on  that  account  now  object  to  our  claim. 
Two  titles  may  in  their  nature  be  antagonistical, 
but  when  both  unite  in  the  same  party,  who  can 
object  because  of  their  inconsistency  ?  Not  Great 
Britain  certainly.  Spain,  prior  to  our  purchase 
from  her,  might  nave  objected  and  protested  against 
our  occupation  and  settlement  of  the  country,  yet, 
having  by  purchaee  succeeded  to  all  her  rights, 
our  tide  therefore  to  the  whole  of  Oregon,  although 
perhasp  not  perfect  and  free  from  difficulty,  is  in 
every  respect  auperior  to  any  claim  or  tide  that 


England  may  have  in  or  to  the  di-nputed  tcrri' 
tory. 

On  the  otlicr  hand,  sir,  upon  what  is  the  claim 
of  the  British  Government  to  any  portion  of  the 
Oregon  territory  founded?  It  is  based  principally, 
as  I  underxluntl  it,  upon  the  rigliis,  if  any,  acquir- 
ed Iw  England  from  Spain,  by  virtue  of  the  Nont- 
ka  Sound  convention,  signed  at  the  Esrurial  in 
1790.  By  tlin  Htiitulalions  of  that  treaty  the  right 
to  trade  with  the  Indians,  to  make  settlements,  and 
to  establish  colonics  on  the  territory  was  yielded 
to  England,  to  be  exercised  in  common  with  Spain, 
whilst  the  right  of  sovereignty,  instead  of  being 
vested  in  England,  was  expressly  held  in  abey- 
ance. This  treaty,  however,  being  annulled  and 
aljrogated  by  the  war  of  171)6  between  England  and 
Spain,  all  the  rights  of  England  under  that  treaty 
were  at  the  name  time  annulled  and  abrogated,  and 
fell  with  the  treaty  . 

I  have  referred,  sir,  to  the  Nootka  Sound  con- 
vention for  the  pur])ose  of  directing  the  attention 
of  the  House  to  another  bramrh  of  the  claim  of 
England  to  the  Oregon  territory,  whii'h  claim, 
though  not  founded  upon,  yet  arose  during  the  ex- 
istence of  that  convention.  I  r«ifcr,  sir,  to  the  dis- 
covery of  Frazer's  river  by  McKenzie,  a  British 
subject^  in  1792,  and  the  subsequent  settlement  of 
that  river  by  the  Hudson  Bay  Company.  It  has 
been  contended  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  that 
this  discovery  of  Frazcr's  river  gives  to  England  a 
right  to  all  the  country  drained  by  the  waters  of 
that  river  and  its  tributaries,  upon  the  same  prin- 
ciple that  the  discovery  of  the  Columbia  gives  to 
the  United  States  a  right  to  the  territory  drained  by 
its  waters.  This  would  be  true  if  the  discovery  of 
these  respective  rivers  had  been  made  under  simi- 
lar circumstances,  and  equally  independent  of 
Spain.  But,  sir,  in  1792,  when  Frazcr  's  river  was 
discovered,  England  and  Spain  were  the  joint  oc- 
cupants of  the  very  region  drained  by  this  river, 
by  virtue  of  the  convention  to  which  I  have  refer- 
red, England  being  in  possession  by  agreement 
with  Spain,  is  to  be  regarded  as  a  tenant  in  com- 
mon with  her,  and  thus  the  acts  of  one  or  both 
would,  upon  every  principle  of  civil  and  national 
law,  inure  to  the  benefit  of  each  other.  When, 
therefore,  discoveries  and  settlements  were  made 
within  the  territory  subsequent  to  the'convention 
of  1790,  the  whole  benefits  of  such  discoveries  and 
settlements  inured  as  much  to  the  benefit  of  Spain 
as  of  Great  Britain;  the  settlement  of  the  one  be- 
comes the  settlement  of  the  other,  and  both  derive 
a  mutual  benefit  ft'om  the  acts  of  the  other;  neither 
party,  during  the  existence  of  the  convention,  be- 
ing competent  to  derive  any  exclusive  right  to  the 
territory  thus  held  in  common  from  their  own  acts. 
And  although  Spain  may  have  made  no  settle- 
ments whatever  on  Frazer  s  river,  still  Spain  being 
a  party  in  interest,  is  as  such  entitled  to  a  full  share 
of  all  the  beneficial  acts  done  by  Great  Britain. 
We  have  since  become  the  owners  of  the  Spanish 
title,  and  the  convention  of  Nootka  Sound  being 
abrogated  by  the  subsequent  war  between  Spain 
and  England,  and  the  rignts  of  England  under  that 
convention  being  annulled,  we  continue  to  hold  the 
Spanish  title  even  to  the  country  drained  by  Fra- 
zer's  river,  our  own  title  bein^  thus  strengthened 
and  sustained  by  the  discoveries  and  settlementa 
of  England  herself.  Our  title,  therefore,  to  the  ter- 
ritory in  dispute,  as  against  England,  is  thus  far 


sputed  terri' 

:  is  th«!  claim 
irUon  of  the 
J  principally, 
'any,  accjuir- 
!  of  the  Noot- 

I  E»curial  in 
;aty  the  right 
ilenienls,and 
'  wan  yielded 

II  with  Spain, 
eftd  of  being 
eld  in  abey- 
annullod  and 

England  and 
■r  that  treaty 
jrogaled,  and 

I  Sound  con- 
the  iitiention 
the  rlaim  of 
whii'h  claim, 
iiring  the  ex- 
ir,  to  the  dis- 
zie,  a  British 
settlement  of 
lany.     It  has 
Britain  that 
to  England  a 
the  waters  of 
le  same  prin- 
inbia  gives  to 
ry  drained  by 
B  discovery  of 
le  under  simi- 
iepcndent   of 
er  's  river  was 
the  joint  oc- 
by  this  river, 
1  have  refer- 
jy  agreement 
lant  in  corn- 
one  or  both 
and  national 
ler.     When, 
were  made 
le'convention 
gcoveries  and 
lefit  of  Spain 
the  one  be- 
d  both  derive 
>ther ;  neither 
mention,  be- 
e  right  to  the 
leirown  acts, 
de  no  settle- 
Spain  being 
o  a  full  share 
reat  Britain, 
the  Spanish 
Sound  being 
tween  Spain 
id  under  that 
le  to  hold  the 
ined  by  Fra- 
Btrengthened 
settlements 
•e,  to  the  ter* 
is  thui  far 


the  brilor  title.    There  are  rirmmfltnnces,  Imw-  ' 
(!V(T,  llint  musi  control  the  llniicd  States  in  the  fu- 
inif  .'icillcmeiit  of  tl-';'  fiurstioii. 

Su.:li,  then,  being  our  title  to  Oregon,  the  im- 
portant question  arisen,  what  is  the  best  policy 
to  be  pursued  in  relation  to  this  controversy  with 
Great  I'ritain  ?  A  great  tUal  hiis  been  said  itf  the 
polii'y  of"  mn.sterly  inactivity;"  much  in  its  priiise, 
much  in  its  condemnation.  At  one  time,  sir,  I  was 
the  firm  and  uiiconiproniising  advocate  of  this  pol- 
icy. The  past  and  present  condition  of  Oregon 
indicated  that  this  [-Milicy  was  not  only  "  masterly," 
but  '♦  w  ise,"  and  the  result,  if  it  had  been  permit- 
ted to  Ofierate,  would  have  iiroved  the  wisdom  of 
those  who  advocated  it.  The  arguments  in  sup- 
port of  this  policy  were  inviiiiil)l<! — they  jippeakd 
to  th(^  reason  and  common  sense  of  all:  and  if  gen- 
tlemen desired  to  olitain  the  "whole  of  Oregon," 
no  more  ctrtain  means  of  accomplishing  this  result 
could  have  been  adopted.  Oregon  is  distant  (Vom 
us  three  thousand  miles;  the  whole  region  compara- 
tively without  })opidaiioir,  a  wilderness  uninhabit- 
ed; at  present  witiioui  benefit  either  to  England  or 
the  United  States,  and  cannot  be  of  any  practical 
utility  for  years  to  come.  It  ia  in  precisely  such  po- 
sition as  to  enable  us — by  encouraging  emigration, 
.sending  there  the  hardy  pioneers  of  the  West,  with 
their  strong  amis  and  stout  hearts,  armed  with  the 
axe  and  the  rifle — to  take  su(!h  ))oss('ssion  of  the 
country  that  no  nation  could  lake  it  from  us. 

The  position  taken  by  the  gentleman  from  Geor- 
gia, [Mr.  Toombs,]  that  so  loiig  as  the  convention 
of  lyiH,  which  was  renewed  in  lf<27,  between 
England  and  the  United  States  remained  in  force, 
wc  could  not  perfect  our  title  to  Oregon,  by  emi- 
gration or  otherwise,  is  certainly  a  correct  position, 
and  coiisiit\it.es  with  me  a  strong  argument  in  fa- 
vor of  the  notice  coiitemi>lafed  by  the  resolution 
now  under  consideration:  for  although  wave  after 
wave  of  population  may  flow  into  that  great  Pa- 
cific country;  thouifh  we  may  fill  it  with  cities,  and 
crowd  it  with  towns  and  villages;  erect  palaces  of 
justice  and  temples  to  the  Most  High;  yet,  sir,  all 
thi.s  process  of  settlement  would  not  yierfect  our 
title  or  extinguish  the  claims  of  England,  so  long 
as  the  convention  of  1827  remains  in  full  force  and 
virtue. 

What,  sir,  will  be  the  condition  of  Oregon  in  a 
quarter  of  a  century  from  this  time?  Turning  to 
the  past,  and  examining  what  has  been  done  in 
other  portions  of  our  country,  we  may,  to  some 
extent,  answer  the  question.  What  was  our  con- 
ditiim  less  than  half  a  century  ago.'  Ourpojuila- 
tion  did  not  exceed  five  millions  of  souls — our  cities 
were  few — towns  and  villages  far  distant  from 
each  other — our  commerce  feeble,  and  the  indus- 
try of  the  country  just  awakening  into  life  and 
activity.  Vast  rr'gions  lay  still  in  a  state  of  na- 
ture, and  the  Alleganies  then  consti.uted  the  ultima 
ihvlc  of  American  civilization.  No  adventurous 
spirit  that  had  climbed  to  the  .summit  of  the  steep, 
and  cast  his  eye  over  the  boundless  waste  be- 
yond, had  as  yet  even  in  dim  prospect  contem- 
plated that  wide  and  glorious  valley,  through  wlii<'h 
(lows  the  father  of  waters;  none  liad  as  yet  ven- 
tured his  footsteps  into  that  land  unknown.  But, 
sir,  the  scene  has  changed.  The  tide  of  our  ad- 
vancing population,  like  the  waves  of  a  miirhty 
sea,  has  dashed  over  the  stecjis  of  the  Alleiranies, 
and,  rolling  through  the  valley  of  the  Mississippi, 


has  covered  and  filled  it  all;  and  evrn'now  he« 
reacheil  the  foot  of  the  Roikv  mi>niiiain8,  and 
assails  every  gorge  of  ijiiit  mighty  chain.  That 
barrier,  lofiy  and    insurmountable  as  it  appears, 

,  is  beginning  to  yield — it  will  be  crossed — it  haw 
been  -rossed,  and  already  our  hardy  ]noneerH  were 
foiuid  beyond  them  on  thi  ir  advancing  way  to  thn 

I  Pacific.  Tln^  c.peration  of  the  inc\iial)le  laws  of 
population  would  have  secured  Oreiron  to  us,'in  n. 
manner  peaceful  and  effi<Mfnt:  wc  have  increased 
in  less  than  half  a  century  from  five  millions,  until 
wc  now  number  over  twenty  millions;  we  have 
increased  in  wealth,  in  strength,  and  power  and 
influence,  until  we  rival  the  first  of  the  nations  of 
the  earth.  Our  experience  in  years  ]>ast  ap|)eal.-4 
with  irresistible  power  in  favor  of  the  system  of 
"  masterly  inactivity." 

But  circumstances  have  now  changed.  It  was  a 
wise  f)olicy;  but  it  is  no  longer  wisdmu  to  pursue 
it.  We  are  now  compelled  to  act — compelled  iiy 
circum.<(tanc,e8  over  which  we  ha.e  no  control.  The 
agitation  of  the  whole  country,  and  the  prevailing 
excitement  upon  this  question,  prevents  the  con- 
summati(m  of  a  policy  hitherto  wise.  This  agita- 
tion has  been  produced  by  the  act  of  the  dominant 
party,  which  has  added  another  element  to  the  po- 
litical di.scords  that  distract  us.  The  Baltimore 
Convention  introduced  into  its  creed  the  two  grand 
articles  of  faith,  "Texas  and  Oregon,"  in  "  disas- 
trous conjunction,"  in  the  estimation  of  many  gen- 
tlemen now  upon  this  floor,  but  who,  at  the  time 
of  their  adoption,  submitted  most  cheerfully  and 
willingly  to  the  decrees  of  that  body.  Sir,  the  in- 
troduction of  great  national  questions — questions 
involving  our  relations  with  foreign  nations — into 
the  political  arena  of  party  strife,  is  an  experiment 
of  most  doubtful  tendency.  Territorial  oggran- 
dizement  has  of  late  become  a  popular  idea;  patri- 
otic appeals  are  made  to  the  people  ;  an  extension 
of  our  boundaries  beyond  tlicir  present  territorial 
limits  is  urged  with  vehemence  and  zeal;  the  spirit 
of  conquest,  bloodless  indeed  as  yet,  is  rife  amongst 
us;  the  policy  of  the  country  has  beeen  changed — a 
change  that  must  be  met  by  correspondent  action 
prompt,  efficient,  and  without  delay. 

I  am  not,  sir,  the  advocate  of  the  extension  pol- 
icy; 1  have  opposed  it  heretofore,  ami  am  opposed 
to  it  now,  unless  in  a  manner  perfectly  in  accord- 
ance with  the  Constitution  of  our  country,  and 
with  the  .spirit  of  our  institutions.  Republican 
principles  must  and  will  spread.  Yet,  sir,  I  do  not 
hold  to  the  doctrine  that  we  are  bound  to  extend 
our  country  with  them.  Nothing  can  resist  the 
spread  of  the  princi]>les  of  republican  liberty.  You 
might  as  well  attempt  to  chnin  the  lightning  in  its 
course,  or  stay  the  thunderbolt,  as  to  arrest  their 
onward  prou'ress.  The  glorious  principles  of  free- 
dom will  continue  to  s]!read,  until  thrones  and  dy ! 
nasties  shall  crumble  into  dust,  until  the  despotisms 
of  the  earth  shall  have  passed  away,  and  until  the 
world  shall  feel  and  acknowledge  their  power.  Bu 
1  cannot  consent  to  join  the  cry  that  the  whole 
American  continent  nuist  come  into  our  confedera- 
cy, that  the  United  States  must  extend  from  "  seu 
to  sen,"  and  from  "  the  rivers  to  the  ends  of  the 
earth."  It  is  impracticable,  it  is  dmgerous  to  the 
integrity  of  the  Union,  and  cjv'culated  to  burst 
asunder  the  cords  which  bind  us  as  one  people. 
This  fital  lust  of  extension,  I  fear,  will  sooner  or 
later  bring  down  to  the  dust  the  la.st  Republic  the 


world  will  ever  see.  If  by  our  folly,  sir,  we  jeop- 
ard the  existence  of  our  Union — if,  by  our  reckless 
policy,  wc  perish  iis  u  nation,  with  ua  will  perish 
the  lust  hope  of  freedom  to  the  human  race.  Let 
our  principles  extend,  j^ive  them  the  "  wings  of  the 
morning,'  and  let  them  "  fly  to  the  uttermost  parts 
of  the  Hca:"  God  .*ij)eed  their  progress;  but  I  be- 
HCiech  gentlemen  to  stop  the  career  upon  which 
they  seem  to  have  entered.  The  spirit  of  concjuest 
is  auroad  in  the  land — that  spirit  that  has  written 
the  history  of  the  world  in  blood,  and  bowed  the 
proudest  nations  of  earth  to  the  dust.  Sir,  there 
is  a  morbid,  sickly  appetite  for  territorial  exten- 
sion, that  must  be  checked,  or  we  must  fall.  I 
care  not  from  what  quarter  it  comes,  it  is  perni- 
cious, and  threatens  our  dearest  interests. 

Sir,  we  have  territory  enough — a  territory,  in- 
cluding Oregon,  the  most  magnificent  the  world 
ever  saw.  Why,  then,  seek,  in  this  spirit  of  ag- 
grandizement, to  extend  our  territorial  limits? 
Gentlemen  have,  during  this  debate,  spoken  in 
glowing  terms  of  the  greatness  of  our  country,  its 
honor,  its  power,  and  its  grandeur.  A  proper  de- 
gree of  national  pride  is  commendable.  It  is  es- 
sential to  the  preservation  of  the  national  rights 
and  national  honor;  but  as  with  individuals  so 
witli  nations,  there  is  "  a  pride  that  goelh  Ijct'ore 
destruction,  and  a  haughty  spirit  that  goeth  before 
a  fall."  If  we  have  not  reached  that  eminence,  we 
nre  at  least  rapidly  approaching  it — a  giddy  height, 
from  which  we  may  oe  dashed  to  nieces.  In  the 
natural  history  of  man,  we  are  tolu  that  when  an 
individual  is  raised  to  a  great  elevation,  placed 
upon  some  lofty  height,  there  is  an  almost  irre- 
sistible impulse  to  dash  himself  from  his  giddy  el- 
evation— to  perish  by  the  fall.  This  principle  i.i  as 
applicable  to  nations  as  to  individuals.  Let  gen- 
tlemen look  at  the  past,  and  learn  wisdom  from 
experience.  Sir,  they  can  gather  precious  politi- 
cal truths  among  the  ruins  of  empires. 

Sir,  the  principles  upon  which  I  opjiose  the  im- 
politic and  dangerous  extension  of  the  limits  of 
our  republic  do  not  apply  to  the  territory  of  Ore- 
gon That  is  a  question  of  retention  not  of  exten- 
sion; not  of  admission,  but  of  the  assertion  of  our 
rights,  and  an  honorable  determination  to  maintain 
them. 

In  addition  to  the  state  of  our  country,  '.he  state 
of  our  foreign  relations  is  another  reason  making  it 
necessary  to  abandon  the  policy  of  '•  masterly  in- 
activity, and  adopt  some  other.  Inactivity  has 
ceased  to  be  wise.  We  have  been  informed  by  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  in  his  annual  mes- 
sage to  Congress,  that  the  negotiations  between  the 
two  countries  on  this  Oregon  question  have  been 
abandoned;  that  the  offer  of  compromise  he  had 
felt  bound  to  make,  having  been  rejected  by  the 
British  Minister,  had  been  withdrawn;  that  there 
was  no  probability  of  any  future  oilers  of  accom- 
modation which  we  could  accept  wiih  a  due  regard 
to  the  national  honor.  He  recommends  that  the 
notice  be  given,  and  that,  at  the  expiration  of  the 
twelve  months,  the  time  will  have  arrived  when  our 
national  rights  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly 
maintained.  If  so,  what  is  now  to  be  done?  Must 
we  stand  still;  must  we,  under  circumstjuices  like 
those  which  now  mark  our  foreign  relations,  fold 
our  arms  and  permit  England  to  remain  in  quiet  pos- 
session of  the  whole  of  Oregon  ?  The  present  is  a 
crisis  which  demands  prompt,  united, urgeutaction 


The  President  has  recommended  that  notice  be  im- 
mediately given  of  the  termination  of  the  existing 
convention  between  us  and  England  in  relation  to 
Oregon.  Now, sir,  although  I  happen  to  dider  with 
the  President  in  political  opinions,  yet,  this  being 
an  American  question,  it  becomes  the  duty  of  every 
American  citizen  to  unite  in  giving  him  that  prompt 
and  efficient  support  in  this  measure  that  shall  give 
him  a  moral  power  which  will  be  felt,  not  only 
from  one  end  of  this  continent  to  the  other,  but 
from  one  end  of  the  British  dominions  to  the  other. 
I  do  not  wish,  in  a  question  of  this  character,  to  see 
the  American  Congress  standing  in  opposition  to 
the  American  President.  For  this,  among  other 
reasons,  I  am  in  Ikvor  of  giving  the  notice.  I  pre- 
fer it  to  be  given  in  the  manner  proposed  in  the 
amendment  oflered  by  the  gentleman  from  Ala- 
bama, [Mr.  Hilmard;]  but,  sir,  if  that  amend- 
ment shall  be  rejected  by  the  House,  I  am  ready  to 
go  for  the  resolutions  introduced  by  the  honorable 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Ail'aiis. 

I  would  refer  this  notice  to  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  with  authority  to  give  it  whenever, 
in  his  judgment,  the  interest  of  the  country  required 
it.  It  may  be  said  that  we  are  not  sincere  in  the 
advocacy  of  the  notice,  when  the  notice,  as  pro- 
posed by  the  gentleman  from  Alabama,  devolves 
the  responsibility  on  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  It  is  but  devolving  upon  him  the  exercise 
of  his  constitutional  rights,  and  no  greater  respon- 
sibility than  properly  pertains  to  the  high  office 
which  the  pettple  of  the  country  has  conferred  upon 
him.  The  President,  aided  by  his  Cabinet,  is  the 
proper  person  to  decide  upon  the  propriety  or  im- 
propriety of  giving  this  notice.  He  is  acquainted 
witn  the  whole  course  of  negotiation  on  the  sub- 
ject. He  is  behind  the  scenes.  He  understands 
all  the  secret  machinery  that  is  at  work,  and  which 
has  not  been  exposed  to  the  public  eye.  With 
him  rests  the  responsibility,  and  upon  him  would 
I  devolve  it.  Nor  would  I  do  it  out  of  any  disre- 
spect towards  him  or  the  political  party  of  which 
he  is  the  head,  but  because  it  belongs  to  him  to  set- 
tle this  question. 

Another  reason  why  I  am  opposed  to  passing 
the  resolution  declaring  absolutely  that  the  notice 
should  be  given,  is,  that  thereby  the  President 
would  be  deprived  of  the  exercise  of  his  discre- 
tion, in  case  circumstances  should  hereafter  be  so 
changed  as  to  render  it  unadvisable  to  give  it.  But, 
if  the  House  should  not  concur  in  these  views,  I 
shall  vote  for  the  proposition  of  the  Committee  on 
Foreign  Aflai.-s,  for  the  giving  this  notice  without 
the  intervention  of  the  discretion  of  the  President. 

It  has  been  said  that  such  notice  must  necessa- 
rily lead  to  war;  not  that  it  is  in  itself  a  declara- 
tion of  war,  but  that  war  must  naturally  and  inev- 
itably follow  as  a  consequence.  But  I  appeal  to 
gentlemen  who  have  held  this  language  that  this 
notice  is  not  a  war  measure;  it  is  only  the  exercise 
of  a  right  provided  for  in  tlie  treaty  of  1827,  and  as 
such  cannot  possibly  be  a  cause  of  offence.  England 
has  a  right,  by  the  same  treaty,  to  give  the  notice 
to  us;  and  would  gentlemen  regard  such  notice 
from  Great  Britain  as  just  cause  of  war?  Certain- 
ly not.  What  may  result  from  it  at  the  ex|iiration 
of  the  year  is  another  question.  It  is  meanwhile  all 
mere  conjecture — a  speculation  on  probabilities — a 
simple  expression  of  personal  opinions.  The  re- 
mote consequences  of  present  acUon  cunnot  be  fore- 


I 


5 


It  notice  be  im- 
of  the  existing 
1  in  lelution  to 
•n  to  ditl'er  with 
yet,  this  being 
eduly  of  every 
im  that  prompt 
!  that  bhuli  give 
!  felt,  not  only 
tlie  other,  but 
ns  to  the  other, 
haructcr,  to  see 
1  opposition  to 
I,  among  other 
notice.  I  pre- 
roposed  in  the 
nan  from  Ala- 
if  that  amend- 
,  I  um  ready  to 
tlie  iionorablc 
ign  Ailaira. 
resident  of  the 
e  it  whenever, 
luntry  recjuired 

sincere  in  the 
notice,  as  pro- 
)ama,  devolves 
,  of  the  United 
m  the  exercise 
greater  respon- 
Lhe  hi^h  office 
conferred  upon 
Cabinet,  is  the 
ropriety  or  im- 
e  IS  acquainted 
f>n  on  the  sub- 
c  understands 
)rk,  and  wiiich 
eye.  With 
on  nini  would 

of  any  disre- 
arty  of  which 

to  him  to  set- 

ed  to  passing 
that  the  notice 
the  President 
of  his  dlscre- 
icreufter  be  so 
ive  it.  But, 
liese  views,  1 
Committee  on 
lotice  without 
he  President, 
must  neccssa- 
self  a  declara- 
ally  and  inev- 
at  I  appeal  to 
Liagc  that  this 
y  the  exercise 
f  1827,  and  as 
nee.  England 
ive  tlie  notice 
such  notice 
ar?    Certain- 
he  expiration 
neanwhile  all 
obabilities — n 
113.     The  re- 
iinnot  be  fore- 


nccii.    No  «»fnl!eman  will  pretend  to  pronounce  ab-  | 
Holutely  the  result.     It  ia  for  us  to  determine  what 
we  arc  to  do  note. 

To  permit  thcfuiestion  to  rest  in  its  present  con- 
dition, without  action  on  the  part  of  our  Govern- 
ment, will  more  certainly  lead  to  the  results  Mhich 
guntlcmen  wish  to  avoid  than  the  action  now  pro- 
posed. Oregon  is  now  filling  rapidly  up  with 
American  citizens.  During  the  past  year,  seven 
thousand  have  left  their  friends  and  home  on  this 
side  of  the  mountjiins,  and  are  now  in  the  valleys 
of  Oregon.  They  have  carried  with  them  the  hab- 
its, feelings,  and  the  patriotism  of  American  citi- 
zens. Jealous  of  their  rights,  with  a  constitutional 
hatred  to  oppression;  ever  disposed  to  oppose  the 
ami>iiioiis  dcsign.s  of  England,  and  unwilling  to 
submit  to  the  jurisdiction  of  her  laws,  which  have 
been  extended  over  this  territory;  during  and  im- 
petuous; collisions  must  take  place  between  the 
American  emigrant  and  the  British  subject  in  the 
emphtymeiit  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company.  The 
very  agitation  of  the  question  in  this  House  creates 
n  necessity  for  immediate  action.  The  debates 
here  will  be  read  by  our  countrymen  on  the  shores 
of  the  Pacific ;  their  spirit  will  be  stirred  within 
them  when  they  read  the  glowing  appeals  made 
to  American  patriotism;  their  hatred  to  British 
oppression  will  be  excited  when  they  hear  the 
fierce  denunciations  of  British  rapacity  made  by 
members  upon  this  floor.  A  conflict  is  inevitable 
tJiere  unless  our  rights  arc  deteiTnined  and  main- 
tiiined  by  our  action  here,  by  which  alone  a  speedy 
and  honorable  settlement  of  this  vexed  question 
can  be  effected. 

Sir,  if  the  notice  is  given,  it  does  not  follow  as  a 
matter  of  course  that  we  are  to  take  armed  pos- 
session of  Oregon;  it  does  not  follow  that  we  are 
to  attempt  to  drive  out  every  English  settler,  or 
that  we  are  to  take  military  possession  up  to  49°, 
fio  as  to  give  offence  to  England.  By  the  notice, 
we  only  say  to  England  that  we  are  unwilling  that 
our  present  connexion  with  her  in  relation  to  the 
Oregon  territory  should  any  longer  be  continued; 
tliat  we  are  desirous  to  determine  the  extent  of  our 
rights,  and  to  enjoy  them  in  exclusive  possession, 
and  to  extend  to  our  citizens  there  the  protection 
of  our  laws. 

I  am  in  favor  of  the  notice,  Mr.  Chairman,  as  a 
measure  of  peace.  It  is  a  measure  of  peace,  and 
not  of  war,  and  the  sequel  of  this  controversy  will 
establish  these  conclusions.  A  system  of  bragga- 
docio and  gasconading  has  been  practised  not  only 
in  the  United  States  but  in  England  in  relation  to 
this  great  question.  Both  parties  are  engaged  in 
it;  we  stand  here  on  this  side  of  the  water  and 
shake  our  fists  at  John  Bull,  and  John  Bull  in  re- 
turn hurls  back  defiance  upon  us.  This  is  the 
relation  of  the  parties,  both  knowing  and  under- 
standing well  the  trickery  attempted  to  be  played 
oflT  upon  each  other. 

Sir,  let  the  notice  be  given.  It  will  prove  to 
ourselves  that  we  are  in  earnest  on  this  great  and 
absorbing  question;  that  this  system  of  bullying 
is  at  an  end;  that  this  question  has  assumed  a 
magnitude  that  demands  that  our  rights  to  Oregon 
shall  be  maintained;  that  the  attempts  to  make  it 
a  party  (question  may  be  defeated  and  abandoned, 
and  that  it  i)e  placed  before  the  country  in  its  true, 
its  national  character. 

Again,  sir;  1  anr  in  favor  of  the  notice,  to  prove 


to  England  that  wc  arc  in  rnrnejit.  She  has  never 
believed  it;  she  never  will  believe  it  until  she  re- 
ceives notice  from  the  President  of  the  United 
States  that  wc  no  longer  desire  to  hold  that  terri- 
tory in  the  manner  we  now  hold  it.  Let  England 
be  convinced  we  are  in  earnest;  let  our  people  be 
so  conviticed  also;  and,  my  word  for  it,  nego- 
tiations, when  reopened,  will  be  conducted  in  a 
very  diflercnt  spirit  from  that  which  has  hereto- 
fore characterized  them. 

Let  the  notice  be  given  to  prove  to  the  world 
that  on  this  question  we  are  in  earnest.  Other  na- 
tions are  looking  on  and  watching  the  progress  of 
this  controversy  with  anxiety  and  deep  interest. 
The  issues  of  tliis  question  involve  great  and  mo- 
mentous consequences,  not  only  to  ourselves,  but 
to  the  world.  Should  war  be  the  result — should 
the  two  greatest  nations  of  the  globe  engage  in  a 
long  and  bloody  war — nations  which  are  the  bul- 
warks of  Christianity,  of  moral  and  religious  civ- 
ilization— it  will  not  be  confined  to  the  original  par- 
ties— to  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  Sir, 
the  breaking  out  of  such  a  war  would  put  the 
match  to  a  magazine  whose  exjilosion  would  con- 
vulse the  world. 

There  is  another  reason  why  this  notice  should 
be  given.  The  country  is  now  in  an  agitated  and  un- 
settled condition.  All  is  doubt.  Uncertainty  every 
where  prevails.  It  affects  every  branch  of  indus- 
try; it  paralyzes  the  business  of  the  country  and 
unnerves  the  strong  arm  of  the  mechanic.  The 
commerce  and  finances  of  the  nation,  the  revemiea 
of  the  Government,  and  all  the  pursuits  of  active 
life,  must  suffer,  and  suffer  severely,  from  a  longer 
continuance  of  the  uncertainty  with  which  this  sub- 
ject is  surrounded.  This  uncertainty,  this  quasi 
war,  must  be  removed.  This  can  be  effected  by 
the  notice  proposed.  It  will  give  us  peace.  Let 
the  country  know  what  to  expect.  Either  let  them 
be  certified  that  there  will  be  no  war,  or,  if  war 
must  come,  let  the  fact  be  known;  and  if  war  is  to 
be  the  result,  let  it  come  now.  Let  us  not  desire 
to  delay  it,  and  thus  reserve  its  horrors  for  our  pos- 
terity. This  would  be  cowardice.  If  it  is  to  come, 
let  it  fall  on  our  own  heads — on  the  heads  of  those 
who  have  occasioned  it.  This  cowardly  shrink- 
ing from  present  responsibility  is  incompatible 
with  the  honor  of  the  American  statesman,  with 
the  honor  of  the  American  character.  Should  the 
conflict  come,  the  rights  and  the  honor  of  the  coun- 
try will  be  nobly  susuvined — sustained  with  all  the 
energy  of  a  great  and  powerful  nation  ;  sustained 
by  the  united  hearts  and  united  arms  of  a  brave 
and  generous  people.  But,  sir,  there  will  be  no 
war. 

There  is  yet  another  reason  for  the  notice.  If 
wc  wish  to  perfect  our  title  to  Oregon,  we  must 
2:ive  the  notice.  So  long  as  this  convention  con- 
tinues in  force  this  cannot  be  done.  When  the 
convention  shall  have  been  annulled,  then,  sir,  all 
the  settlements  made  there  by  our  emigrants  will 
inure  to  our  benefit,  and  our  title  acquire  additional 
strength  from  possession  and  occupation.  The  set- 
tlement of  the  country,  in  itself  considered,  during 
the  existence  of  the  joint  occupancy,  evidently 
gives  us  no  title:  it  confers,  however,  one  impor- 
tant benefit — it  gives  us  the  power  to  maintain  our 
rights  there.  Wc  require  additional  numerical 
force  in  Oregon.  To  secure  this,  dissolve  all  con- 
nexion with  England;  extend  over  our  citizens  the 


protection  of  tmr  laws;  jjivc  ihrm  aid  anil  HPPtirity 
111  tlifir  toilHoiiii-  iiiurrli,  mid  hooii  (lie  \sil(l  Hpiritof 
wcaltrii  udvriitiirc  will  crowd  your  inouiituin- 
INiNSf.'s  witli  hiirdy  cniiKraiitH.  Tlieii,  .sir,  the  Aiiip- 
rii^iii  RctiliT,  MS  )ie  wciidH  Wm  way  to  tlie  Uocky 
moiiiitaiiiM,  and  takcH  up  liis  aboac.  in  that  t'lir-oir 
country,  will  fuid  t<<>i"n  ^ ''''  '>'>■>  t'><'  protcclion  of 
American  lawn;  that  protection  will  l>e  with  liini 
in  hin  journey iii(;!i  l)y  the  way;  in  hix  Hhnnliers  in 
Uie  dark  deiilcs  of  the  Uocky  nuiuntainti;  will  ho 
with  and  ai'ouiid  him  when  ni  tlie  vullev's  of  Ore- 
gon he  pitchcH  his  tent  and  buildH  Win  ca[)in,  to  re- 
main there  an  American  citizen,  near  tlie  whores  of 
the  t;rcat  Pacific.  Let  us  encourajre  emiifration; 
let  our  people  <;o  armed  with  the  physical  means  of 
self-d«fence;  send  them  with  the  unerring;  western 
rifle;  wiih  hearts  true  to  themselves  and  their  coun- 
try, and  Or(!{;(»n  will  he  ours. 

It  has  heen  said,  sir,  that  England,  with  her  cor- 
morant a]ipctitc  fur  dominion,  never  relinquishes 
her  prasp  upmi  territory  when  once  within  her 
power;  that,  in  her  negotiations,  she  seldom  re- 
cedes from  the  positions  she  assumes.  1  will  not 
deny  the  skill  and  success  of  British  diplomacy. 
.She  varies  it  to  suit  the  character  of  the  nation 
with  which  she  nei;;otiates.  She  Irumnles  upon 
the  week,  flatters  the  timid,  and  betrays  the  stronjj. 
Yet,  nolwiihstandins;  her  power  as  a  nation,  and 
her  skill  in  diploitiacy,  the  lion  of  Enu;land,likc  the 
kina;  of  the  forest,  will  quail  and  cower  before  t)»e 
unflinchinp:  y;a/.e  of  stern  and  determined  resist- 
ance. With  tlie  meiuomble  example  before  us  of 
tlte  thirteen  American  colonies  wrested  from  the 
British  Crown,  and  tlieir  independence  acknowl- 
edged by  that  Power,  it  is  too  late  to  say  that  Enj;- 
land  neve«-  jw^-^h.  Did  time  permit,  I  could  refer 
fjentlemei  ■  history  of  the  treaty  of  peace  at 

Ghent  to  },  'lal  even  England  ciui  recede  from 

propositioi.s  iitclared  by  her  commissioners  to  be 
"  sine  qua  non"'  in  the  adju.slment  of  existing  con- 
troversies. In  the  progress  of  that  negotiation,  she 
demanded,  as  a  "  sine  qua  non,^''  the  pacification  of 
llic  Indian  trilies,  and  in  ell'ect  their  recognition  by 
the  United  States  as  independent  nations  within 
our  territory.  A  proposition  so  j)re8iim|)tuous,  it 
is  needless  to  add,  was  instantly  rejected  by  the 
American  conmiissioners.  She  further  demanded 
that  the  United  States  should  abandon  her  naval 
power  upon  tlie  lakes,  and  dismantle  her  fortifica- 
tions upon  their  shores  and  along  the  line  of  our 
northern  frontier.  Like  the  other,  it  was  promjilly 
rejected,  and  England  very  prudently  receded  from 
her  bold  *'  sine  (/iid  non"  propositions.  In  the  con- 
duct of  negotiations  and  of  this  controversy,  we 
must  look  England  firmly  in  the  face.  To  doubt, 
to  hesitate,  to  betray  symptoms  of  fear,  is  to  lose 
all. 

t  Sir,  there  will  be  no  war.  The  mutual  interests 
of  both  countries  forbid  it.  The  commercial  rela- 
tions of  the  two  nations  obviously  require  peace, 
and  no  reason  now  exists  or  can  arise  from  our 
present  action  why  these  relations  should  be  dis- 
turbed. Gentlemen  have  pointed  us  to  England, 
to  her  extensive  warlike  preparations,  her  steam- 
ers of  war,  and  the  fortification  of  her  coast,  and 
have  asked,  what  means  all  this  iireparation  at  this 
crisis?  England,  notwithstanding  her  extensive 
warlike  preparations — although  slie  may  be  man- 
ning her  fleets  and  flouting  on  the  ocean  her  war- 
steamers  by  hundreds — will  not  enter  into  a  con- 


test with  us.  All  this  is  not  intended  for  the 
Anuriian  nation.  Another  (|tie.stioii  is  miom  to  be 
solved  in  Europe;  there  is  nnother  sliiig:;le  soon 
to  come,  that  will  rr(|uiri^  all  her  force.  All  Eu- 
rope is  now  awaiting  in  intense  anxiety  the  hap- 
pening of  an  event  that  will  be  pregnani  with  the 
fate  of  «nipircH.  I  refer,  sir,  to  the  deatli  of  Louis 
Philippe  of  France.  His  death  (and  I  am  not 
alone  in  this  opinion)  will  be  tlu;  signal  for  a  i^rcat 
struggle  throughout  the  whole  nf  Europe.  Tlien, 
sir,  will  come  that  conflict  of  systems  of  govern- 
ment to  which  gentlemen  have  so  frequently  allud- 
ed— a  war  of  republicanism  against  de.s|iotisni,  of 
popular  rights  against  oppression  and  tyranny. 
This  is  the  coiiting<ncy  which  the  Eiigli.-li  dread 
more  than  they  do  the  Oregon  question,  and  this 
is  the  reason  for  her  immense  pie|)aralioiis.  But 
if  gentlemen  suppose  she  is  doing  all  this  in  refer- 
ence to  a  contest  with  us,  arc  we  pursuing  a  pru- 
dent course.'  If  Britain  is  putting  on  her  armor 
to  fight  with  us,  it  would  be  surely  wisr'  in  us  to 
follow  her  example.  If  gentlemen  really  believe 
that  she  has  such  a  purpose,  let  tlieni  remember 
that  when  Enghmd  strikes  she  strikes  swiftly,  and 
always  strikes  the  first  blow,  and  oi'len  with  tre- 
mendous efl'ect.  Sir,  in  our  pre.'icnt  relations  with 
England,  I  feel  inclined  to  adopt  the  sentiineiit  of 
the  old  Irish  baronet,  whoso  very  likinilers  were 
full  of  (iracticul  good  sense  and  sound  nhilo.sophy, 
'*  that  the  best  way  to  avoid  danger  is  to  meet  it 
plump."  Sir,  let  us  be  prepared  for  any  contin- 
gency— always  ready,  always  willing  to  defend 
our  country  and  maintain  her  honor. 

Again,  sir,  as  a  [)roof  that  there  will  be  no  war, 
and  that  such  an  event  is  not  anticipated  by  tlio.sc 
who  hold  the  reins  of  Government,  I  refer  gentle- 
men to  the  fact  that,  although  the  Adininistrution 
has  told  us  that  negotiations  arc  ended,  yet  no  pre- 
parations arc  recommended  orajtnropriations  asked 
for  the  navy  or  for  the  army;  tliat  no  stejis  have 
been  taken  to  place  the  country  in  a  stale  of  de- 
fence. But,  instead  of  all  this,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury  sits  down  deliberately  in  his  office 
and  computes  that,  after  a  certain  number  tif  years, 
there  will  be  a  certain  sum  of  money  in  the  Treas- 
ury, and  at  the  same  time  recommends  that  the 
taritfof  1842  be  repealed,  and  that  duties  be  re- 
duced to  the  revenue  standard;  thus  bestowing 
upon  England  the  greatest  favor  she  could  aak 
from  the  Anieri(;an  Governnicnt.  Such  facts  are 
utterly  inconsistent  with  the  idea  of  war. 

But,  sir,  what  is  to  be  gained  by  war?  Can  wc 
conquer  England  ?  Can  slie  subdue  us  ?  The  idea 
is  jjieposteroua.  Neither  nation  can  enter  into  such 
a  contest  without  immense  sacrifices.  We  may 
exiicnd  millions  of  treasure  and  shed  oceans  of 
blood,  and  yet  our  coniroveiry  with  England  be 
no  more  near  its  tennination  than  when  the  first 
gun  was  fired. 

Wc  have  been  told  during  this  debate  that  we 
must  not  look  at  consequences.  No;  but,  like  the 
"  unthinking  lior.se,  must  rush  into  the  battle."  I 
can  adopt  no  such  principle  of  action  on  this  ques- 
tion. It  is  our  duty  to  sit  down  like  wise  men  and 
count  tlie  cost;  to  consider  well  what  we  arc  about, 
and  what  we  are  going  to  do;  to  consider  our  ad- 
versary in  her  strength,  her  means  of  attack,  and 
her  ability  to  injure;  to  consider  our  own  power, 
our  means  of  defence,  our  ability  to  resisi  aggres- 
sion.    This  is  wisdom;  and,  having  thus  acted,  it 


i 


iildl  for  the 

is  .SOfltl  to  1)1) 

lni;::;lr  nooii 
r-e.  All  Eu 
vXy  tlir  iinj)- 
iiii  with  tlic 
mil  of  Louis 
1(1  I  tun  not 
111  for  II  i^rciil 
n|ic.  'I'lii'll, 
M  of  (^(ivrrn- 
|in'iiliy  iillud- 
lispoiisni,  of 
mil  tyiMiiiiy. 
un^'iisli  ilreiid 
ion,  and  this 
'nlions.  But 
tliiN  in  icfir- 
^iiini;  a  pru- 
on  lirr  minor 
wisi'  ill  lis  to 
rrally  iitlicvc 
;ni  rtiiicmbtr 
i  .swiftly, anil 
t'teii  witii  tre- 
'clations  wit!) 
'  si'iitiiiii'iit  of 
UmdiTH  were 

I  piiilo.sopliy, 
r  IS  to  iiiret  it 
r  uny  coiilin- 
ng  to  defend 

II  be  no  war, 
iitcd  by  those 

f  refer  £;eiitlc- 
lininiutrution 
I,  yet  no  prc- 

itions  asked 
i()  steps  iiiivc 
11  state  of  de- 

Secreliiry  of 
in  his  office 
l)ert>f  years, 
in  tlie  Treas- 
)nds  that  the 
duties  be  re- 
is  bestowinj; 
le  could  aak 
uch  facts  arc 
var. 

irr  Can  wc 
s;  The  idea 
Iter  into  such 
1.  Wc  may 
ed   oceans  of 

Eiiicland  be 

len  tlic  first 

bate  that  we 
but,  like  the 

battle."  1 
311  this  ques- 
ise  men  and 
:c  are  about, 
iider  our  ad- 

atlack,  and 
own  power, 
sisi  affirres- 
hus  acted,  it 


war  miiRt  comr,  we  will  find  that  it  wan  not "  folly 
to  be  wine." 

It  hn.1  been  (iMcrlcd  here  that  a  compromise  of 
this  rpiention  under  cxiHting  circiiniHtances  would 
be  diolionorablc.  In  this  Reiiiimeiit  I  do  not  coii- 
■•ur.  Thou'^h  the  previoim  ne^^otiation  may  have 
rl()r<ed,  I  cannot  believe  that  nrgoiialions  have  been 
aliandoiied.  This  Oovernment,  in  IHIH,  in  1824, 
and  jH-Jti,  "(Tcred  ternisof  comprotnise  to  iMiglanti. 
A  similar  olVcr  was  made  by  the  present  Adminis- 
tnition  in  I'^la.  J^ift  if  compriMiiise  is  dishonorn- 
ble  now,  it  was  dishonorable  at  the  respective  pe- 
riods  to  which  I  have  refrned.  We  have  repeat- 
edly, by  onr  conventions  with  IsnuHand  and  other- 
wise, i'ecoy;nised  her  claim  to  (be^oii.  To  settle 
and  luljust  those  claims  we  hiuc  proposed  to  licr 
an  (([iiitable  divi.'ion  of  tlu^  territory  in  dispute;  and 
we  now  should  be  bound  liy  the  honor  of  our  na- 
tion, if  an  olfer  came  iVom  Kii?land,  to  accejit  any 
iropositioii  which  shall  be  nsijoodas  we  ourselves 
lave  oll'cicd.  Iltit,  sir,  we  cannot,  consistently 
with  hciiiori  renew  the  propositi<Mi.  Kii^land  has 
rejected  our  terms.  She  alone  must  renew  the 
olVer. 

8ir,  it  is  my  firm  conviction  that  if  notice  be 
given,  before  the  expiration  of  the  twelve  months 
negotiations  will  be  reopened,  and  some  amicable 
mode  of  adjustment  be  adopted.  It  cannot  be  that 
two  nations  elevated  in  civilization,  distinguished 
for  everything  that  adorns  the  national  character, 
will  rush  blindly  into  war,  the  coiise([uence8  of 
which  no  human  imagination  can  trace. 

I  regret  to  have  heard  gentlemen,  in  the  course 
of  this  discu.^ision,  talk  so  lightly  and  flippantly  of 
war.  War  has  its  horrors ;  war  has  no  charms 
for  mo.  Sir,  I  have  never  witnessed  '*  the  battle 
of  warriors,  with  its  confused  noise,  and  garments 
rolled  in  blood;"  I  desire  never  to  witness  such 
a  scene.  1  have  never  heard  the  shriek  of  agony, 
wrung  from  the  bosom  of  the  dying  soldier,  as  on 
the  battle-field  he  yielded  up  his  lil'e;  his  anguish 
rendered  more  poignant  as  the  thoughts  of  home 
and  friends  ruslicd  in  upon  his  soul.  I  have  never 
heard  the  groan  of  the  widow,  from  whose  em- 
brace the  rough  bloody  hand  of  war  has  torn  the 
idol  of  her  heart;  nor  the  sigh  of  the  orphan,  de- 
prived of  a  fond  and  aflectionate  parent.  I  never 
wish  to  hear  such  sounds.  Amid  the  shoutings 
nf  victory,  such  notes  of  wo  are  blended  that  they 
fall  discordantly  on  the  car.  The  laurels  that  en* 
circle,  the  brow  of  the  victor  and  the  hero  are 
stained  with  the  blood  and  steeped  in  the  tears  of 
thousands.  The  asj>irations  of  every  patriot  and 
Christian  heart  should  ascend  to  the  throne  of  the 
Eternal,  that  the  evils  and  dcva.stations  of  war  may 
be  averted  from  our  belrtved  country.  Sir,  not- 
U'ithstanding  my  abhorrence  of  war,  I  hope  ever 
to  be  found  an  advocate  of  the  preservation  of  our 
national  lionor  and  our  national  ri<rhis,  at  every 
hazard  and  at  cvqry  sacrifice.  But  war,  to  be  just, 
must  be  necei"8ary.  Wc  must,  in  accordance  with 
the  strict  principles  of  national  honor,  have  ex- 
hausted every  means  in  our  power  to  bring  about 
an  amicable   (settlement  of  tlie  controversy  now 


waged.  Without  it,  war  cnn  never  he  justi/ie<l> 
Have  all  these  means  been  resorted  to,  so  thnt 
nothing  remains  l)ut  war?  The  question  is  s'.ill 
open.  The  honor  of  the  country  is  not  involved, 
so  as  to  prevent  its  ainiculilo  adjustment.  What, 
sir,  is  national  honor.'  Is  it  that  sickly  sensibility 
to  imagined  insult  and  injury  that  prompts  men, 
in  the  spirit  of  modern  chivalry,  to  imbrue  their 
hands  in  the  life's  blood  of  their  fellow-men.'  It 
is  tt  nobler  and  more  generous  sentiment;  it  is  a 
principle  founded  upon  that  grand  .sentiment,  "  do 
unto  others  as  you  Would  that  others  should  do 
unto  you.*'  National  honor  must  have  its  foun- 
dations deep  in  the  eternal  principles  of  truth  ond 
justice.  All  other  honor  is  a  bubble;  it  might 
glitter,  but  only  to  deceive  and  to  betray. 

There  are  otner  considerations  which  induce  m« 
to  the  course  of  policy  I  have  indicated,  but  I  for* 
bear  to  detain  the  committee  longer. 

Do  gentlemen  doubt  the  policy  of  giving  this 
notice.'  If  doubts  exist,  I  am  always  in  favor  of 
resolving  them  in  such  manner  as  to  jirotect  and 
defend  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  country.  To 
doubt  on  this  question  is  to  jcopaid  the  interests  of 
the  nation. 

'<  Our  doiihu  nre  traitors ) 
And  iiiaki!  us  lose  the  good  wc  inlgtit  nttnin, 
By  fearing  to  attempt." 

I  believe,  sir,  the  issue  of  our  present  difHcullics 
on  this  subject  will  be  peace — an  honorable  f)eace. 
But  whilst  such  is  my  opinion,  let  us  be  prepared 
for  any  contingency.  I  would  say  to  the  country, 
be  ready  for  war.  Are  we  in  that  condition  now? 
I  do  not  wish  unnecessarily  to  disclose  our  wan! 
of  preparation  to  the  world.  Our  actual  condition 
is,  however,  well  known.  Preparation,  prompt 
and  efficient,  is  necessary,  and  1  am  willing,  to* 
morrow,  to  vote  appropriations  for  building  forty 
iron  steamers  of  war,  if  .^o  many  be  required.  [A 
voice:  "  Of  Pennsylvania  iron .'"]  Yes,  of  Penn* 
sylvania  iron,  and  thus  aflford  incidental  protection 
to  the  iron  interest  of  Pennsylvania,  notwithatand* 
ing  the  gentleman  from  Virginia  [Mr.  Hunter] 
has  expressed  his  regret  that  the  agitation  of  the 
Oregon  question  had  prevented,  and  was  likely  to 
prevent,  the  Democmtic  party  from  consummating 
their  favorite  measure,  the  repeal  of  the  tariff  of 
1842.  To-morrow  I  am  ready  to  vote  appropria- 
tions of  fifty  millions  of  dollars  to  place  our  coun- 
try in  a  state  of  readiness  to  meet  every  emergency  j 
although  direct  taxation  might  be  the  result.  The 
citizens  of  Pennsylvania,  already  pressed  down 
with  a  burden  of  taxation,  will  be  ready  to  meet 
this  additional  burden,  if  necessary  for  the  defence 
of  the  interests  and  honor  of  the  country-  Their 
patriotism  and  valor  need  no  praise  from  me.  In 
the  day  of  trial  they  will  be  found  at  the  post  of 
danger;  in  the  field  of  battle  they  will  be  found 
••  first  in  the  fight,  and  last  in  the  retreat.** 

Sir,  I  cannot  conclude  without  recurring  to  th« 
sentiment  of  the  gallant  Decatur,  as  expressive  of 
my  own  feelings,  and  applicable  to  the  present 
crisis:  "Our  country!  may  she  always  be  right) 
but  right  or  wrong,  our  country!'* 


